11 February, 2014

Samuel L. Jackson vs. Laurence Fishburne

​I find this interaction (and the coverage of it) fascinating.  To me, the reaction is way more racist than the reporter's stupid but innocent mistake.


Note at the end of the clip, the CNN reporter says, "He apologizes to anyone else who was offended".  Why would anyone be offended because the reporter mistook one actor for another?  You wouldn't, unless you are viewing this as a form of facism as opposed to a case of mistaken identity.

Imagine if the reporter confused Al Pacino for Robert De Niro.  No viewers (not even Italians!) would be offended by that mistake - it has nothing to do with the viewers, and even suggesting that it is offensive is ridiculous.  Only those who as using race as their main filter in life would react that way.  That's the real story to me...

06 February, 2014

Aaron Sorkin & Phillip Seymour Hoffman



Aaron Sorkin: Philip Seymour Hoffman’s Death Saved 10 Lives

The creator of 'The West Wing' and the renowned actor shared a struggle with drug addiction. Sorkin remembers a performer who dominated the real estate upon which his characters walked

Phil Hoffman and I had two things in common. We were both fathers of young children, and we were both recovering drug addicts. Of course I’d known Phil’s work for a long time — since his remarkably perfect film debut as a privileged, cowardly prep-school kid in Scent of a Woman — but I’d never met him until the first table read for Charlie Wilson’s War, in which he’d been cast as Gust Avrakotos, a working-class CIA agent who’d fallen out of favor with his Ivy League colleagues. A 180-degree turn.
On breaks during rehearsals, we would sometimes slip outside our soundstage on the Paramount lot and get to swapping stories. It’s not unusual to have these mini-AA meetings — people like us are the only ones to whom tales of insanity don’t sound insane. “Yeah, I used to do that.” I told him I felt lucky because I’m squeamish and can’t handle needles. He told me to stay squeamish. And he said this: “If one of us dies of an overdose, probably 10 people who were about to won’t.” He meant that our deaths would make news and maybe scare someone clean.
So it’s in that spirit that I’d like to say this: Phil Hoffman, this kind, decent, magnificent, thunderous actor, who was never outwardly “right” for any role but who completely dominated the real estate upon which every one of his characters walked, did not die from an overdose of heroin — he died from heroin. We should stop implying that if he’d just taken the proper amount then everything would have been fine.
He didn’t die because he was partying too hard or because he was depressed — he died because he was an addict on a day of the week with a y in it. He’ll have his well-earned legacy — his Willy Loman that belongs on the same shelf with Lee J. Cobb’s and Dustin Hoffman’s, his Jamie Tyrone, his Truman Capote and his Academy Award. Let’s add to that 10 people who were about to die who won’t now.
Sorkin is an Academy Award–winning writer who wrote the screenplays for two of Hoffman’s films: Charlie Wilson’s War (2007) and Moneyball(2011)
A few thoughts:
1) How strange to be discussing your likely future overdose - if we have a responsibility to keep people from making bad decisions (rationale for outlawing drugs), why does that responsibility not extend to individuals who hear others talking about doing these drugs?  If we do not believe there is an individual duty to stop people from taking drugs, why does that duty exist collectively through prohibition?

2) Good for Sorkin for saying, "...did not die from an overdose of heroin — he died from heroin. We should stop implying that if he’d just taken the proper amount then everything would have been fine."  Drugs are (generally) bad, they can ruin your life if abused.  This is where liberals and libertarians differ - I think they should be legal and avoided entirely or used sparingly even if legal.  It seems Liberals feel people should partake freely because drugs "aren't really that bad" or believe they can draw some magical line between the "good" and "bad" drugs that can be applied uniformly to everyone.

Which brings me to my final observation.  Liberals commonly argue that the drug war criminalizes "non-violent offenders", and drug users and dealers are mistreated and persecuted by the justice system.  But then someone famous and beloved by society overdoses, and an outcry erupts to find the drug dealers who "killed him".  Doesn't that seem a bit inconsistent?

05 February, 2014

ACA Expected to Reduce Workers Who Realize They Can Get More by Staying Home

Dana Milbank
Dana Milbank
Opinion Writer

Obamacare’s scorekeepers deliver a game-changer

For years, the White House has trotted out the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office to show that Obamacare would cut health-care costs and reduce deficits:
Live by the sword, die by the sword, the Bible tells us. In Washington, it’s slightly different: Live by the CBO, die by the CBO.
The congressional number-crunchers, perhaps the capital’s closest thing to a neutral referee, came out with a new report Tuesday, and it wasn’t pretty for Obamacare. The CBO predicted the law would have a “substantially larger” impact on the labor market than it had previously expected: The law would reduce the workforce in 2021 by the equivalent of 2.3 million full-time workers, well more than the 800,000 originally anticipated. This will inevitably be a drag on economic growth, as more people decide government handouts are more attractive than working more and paying higher taxes.
This is grim news for the White House and for Democrats on the ballot in November. This independent arbiter, long embraced by the White House, has validated a core complaint of the Affordable Care Act’s (ACA) critics: that it will discourage workand become an ungainly entitlement. Disputing Republicans’ charges is much easier than refuting the federal government’s official scorekeepers.
White House officials rushed to dispute the referee’s call — arguing, somewhat contradictorily, that the finding was both flawed and really good news if interpreted properly.
Press secretary Jay Carney quickly issued astatement saying that the CBO report was, by its own admission, “incomplete” and “does not take into account” some favorable effects of the law.
Carney postponed his daily press briefing, then arrived with Jason Furman, head of the Council of Economic Advisers, who argued that the Affordable Care Act couldn’t possibly be a job killer because 8.1 million jobs had been created since it became law. This is true — but irrelevant to the CBO finding.
Meanwhile, Gene Sperling, Obama’s top economic-policy adviser, walked to the White House lawn and told CNN’s Wolf Blitzer that he rejected the finding. “When you have two parents and they’re both working full time to provide health care and they don’t feel they’re there to do homework with their kids and this allows one of [them] to work a little less because they have health care, that’s not costing jobs,” Sperling argued.
Sounds nice, except the CBO said its more pessimistic workforce view had been shaped by recent studies, “in particular” those looking at “expansions or contractions in Medicaid eligibility for childless adults.” In general, the CBO explained, phasing out subsidies to buy health insurance when income rises “effectively raises people’s marginal tax rates . . . thus discouraging work.”
There was some good news about Obamacare (and about shrinking deficits) in the report: Premiums are lower than expected, and there “is no compelling evidence” that employers are shifting to part-time jobs in response to the law. The law will give health insurance to an additional 13 million people this year and 25 million in 2016 and beyond.
But it was immediately clear that the government’s green eyeshades had bestowed a big gift on the law’s Republican critics.
Fox News put up a breaking-news banner: “Bombshell CBO report predicts 2.3 million jobs will be lost under Obamacare.” Rep. Darrell Issa (Calif.), one of the law’s fiercest foes, did a celebratory interview with Fox. “There are other surprises yet to come,” he promised. Republicans went to the Senate floor to tout the findings. For a brief time, the CBO Web site went down; online traffic surges aren’t usually a problem for the agency.
In the White House briefing room, Furman navigated a river of skeptical questions. “Doesn’t just the sheer idea of losing 2.5 million jobs over 10 years have a negative economic impact? . . . You’re saying it may be a good thing if there are 2 million fewer workers? . . . How do you answer Republicans who now have this evidence that they can wave to say, ‘Aha, the ACA is bad for the economy’?”
Furman attempted to dispute the report (“I haven’t accepted the number”) without disparaging the authors (“We cite CBO all the time”). Delicately, he said the report “is subject to misinterpretation, doesn’t take into account every factor, and there’s uncertainty and debate around it.”
But there’s only so much White House officials could do. Obamacare has been undermined by the very entity they had used to validate it.

04 February, 2014

Immigration Laws

Republicans to the Rescue?

By Thomas Sowell - February 4, 2014
Some supporters of President Obama may be worried about how he and the Democrats are going to fare politically, as the problems of ObamaCare continue to escalate, and it looks like the Republicans have a chance to win a majority in the Senate.
But Democrats may not need to worry so much. Republicans may once again come to the rescue of the Democrats, by discrediting themselves and snatching defeat from the very jaws of victory. The latest bright idea among Republicans inside the Beltway isa  new version of amnesty that is virtually certain to lose votes among the Republican base and is unlikely to gain many votes among the Hispanics that the Republican leadership is courting.
One of the enduring political mysteries is how the Republicans can be so successful in winning governorships and control of state legislatures, while failing to make much headway in Washington. Maybe there are just too many clever GOP consultants inside the Beltway.
When it comes to national elections, just what principles do the Republicans stand for? It is hard to think of any, other than their hoping to win elections by converting themselves into Democrats lite. But voters who want what the Democrats offer can vote for the real thing, rather than Johnny-come-lately imitations.
Listening to discussions of immigration laws and proposals to reform them is like listening to something out of "Alice in Wonderland."
Immigration laws are the only laws that are discussed in terms of how to help people who break them. One of the big problems that those who are pushing "comprehensive immigration reform" want solved is how to help people who came here illegally and are now "living in the shadows" as a result.
What about embezzlers or burglars who are "living in the shadows" in fear that someone will discover their crimes? Why not "reform" the laws against embezzlement or burglary, so that such people can also come out of the shadows?
Almost everyone seems to think that we need to solve the problem of the children of illegal immigrants, because these children are here "through no fault of their own." Do people who say that have any idea how many millions of children are living in dire poverty in India, Africa or other places "through no fault of their own," and would be better off living in the United States?
Do all children have some inherent right to live in America if they have done nothing wrong? If not, then why should the children of illegal immigrants have such a right?
More fundamentally, why do the American people not have a right to the protection that immigration laws provide people in other countries around the world -- including Mexico, where illegal immigrants from other countries get no such special treatment as Mexico and its American supporters are demanding for illegal immigrants in the United States?
The very phrase "comprehensive" immigration reform is part of the bad faith that has surrounded immigration issues for decades. What "comprehensive" reform means is that border control and amnesty should be voted on together in Congress.
Why? Because that would be politically convenient for members of Congress, who like to be on both sides of issues, so as to minimize the backlash from the voting public. But what "comprehensive" immigration reform has always meant in practice is amnesty up front and a promise to control the border later -- promises that have never been kept.
The new Republican proposal is to have some border control criteria whose fulfillment will automatically serve as a "trigger" to let the legalizing of illegal immigrants proceed. But why set up some automatic triggering device to signal that the borders are secure, when the Obama administration is virtually guaranteed to game the system, so that amnesty can proceed?
What in the world is wrong with Congress taking up border security first, as a separate issue, and later taking responsibility in a Congressional vote on whether the border has become secure? Congress at least should come out of the shadows.
The Republican plan for granting legalization up front, while withholding citizenship, is too clever by half. It is like saying that you can slide halfway down a slippery slope.
Republicans may yet rescue the Democrats, while demoralizing their own supporters and utterly failing the country.

01 February, 2014

Nancy Pelosi Interview

A very informative interview by House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi.  Does this seem like a leader who has a good grasp of the challenges facing this nation?  Are you confident she and her party can effectively and efficiently lead a $3.5 Trillion federal government?

I encourage you to start at the 15:39 mark.  Kudos to Jon Stewart for asking real questions.  Just remember, "It's not my responsibility".

http://www.thedailyshow.com/full-episodes/thu-january-30-2014-nancy-pelosi
 

29 January, 2014

Dear Bill O'Reilly - no Minimum Wage is "Exploitative"?

Sent to oreilly@foxnews.com

Bill,

 I wanted to inquire about your assertion tonight that "Without the minimum wage there would be exploitation of workers".  Why would exploitation have to result in a world without a minimum wage?  Employed workers are not slaves - they may agree to work for wages offered by employers, or they may decline to work for those wages.  If the wages offered by employers are not sufficient, employers will not be able to attract employees, and businesses will be forced to raise their wages.  If the offered wages are agreeable to workers, both the employer and employee are satisfied with the arrangement, which is hardly "exploitation".  Why do the laws of economic equilibrium related to supply and demand in the labor market result in an exploitative scenario?  It seems odd that equilibrium in a free market is termed exploitative.

 Secondly, how did we arrive at the amount of $10.10 for a minimum wage?  In a free market, the "appropriate" minimum wage is set automatically as employers vie for labor.  Anything other than the equilibrium wage results in a wasteful, sub-optimal outcome from a societal perspective and is disconnected to the actual value provided by the activity.  The only way to justify $10.10 is to say that it "feels right", which might be satisfying from an emotional perspective but begs the question "why not $20 an hour or $50 an hour"?  The answer is because the activity is not worth that wage.  The only way to set the wage equal to the value of the activity is to allow employers to compete for labor rather than have government set an arbitrary minimum wage that distorts the labor market and results in increased unemployment and reduced economic growth.

If you disagree with these points (and I assume you do), I hope you'll consider explaining why in a future segment.
      

The Imperial Presidency of Barack Obama

The Imperial Presidency of Barack Obama

Jan. 28, 2014 6:57 p.m. ET
Of all the troubling aspects of the Obama presidency, none is more dangerous than the president's persistent pattern of lawlessness, his willingness to disregard the written law and instead enforce his own policies via executive fiat. On Monday, Mr. Obama acted unilaterally to raise the minimum wage paid by federal contracts, the first of many executive actions the White House promised would be a theme of his State of the Union address Tuesday night.
The president's taste for unilateral action to circumvent Congress should concern every citizen, regardless of party or ideology. The great 18th-century political philosopher Montesquieu observed: "There can be no liberty where the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or body of magistrates." America's Founding Fathers took this warning to heart, and we should too.
Yet rather than honor this duty, President Obama has openly defied it by repeatedly suspending, delaying and waiving portions of the laws he is charged to enforce. When Mr. Obama disagreed with federal immigration laws, he instructed the Justice Department to cease enforcing the laws. He did the same thing with federal welfare law, drug laws and the federal Defense of Marriage Act.Rule of law doesn't simply mean that society has laws; dictatorships are often characterized by an abundance of laws. Rather, rule of law means that we are a nation ruled by laws, not men. That no one—and especially not the president—is above the law. For that reason, the U.S. Constitution imposes on every president the express duty to "take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed."
On many of those policy issues, reasonable minds can disagree. Mr. Obama may be right that some of those laws should be changed. But the typical way to voice that policy disagreement, for the preceding 43 presidents, has been to work with Congress to change the law. If the president cannot persuade Congress, then the next step is to take the case to the American people. As President Reagan put it: "If you can't make them see the light, make them feel the heat" of electoral accountability.
President Obama has a different approach. As he said recently, describing his executive powers: "I've got a pen, and I've got a phone." Under the Constitution, that is not the way federal law is supposed to work.
The Obama administration has been so brazen in its attempts to expand federal power that the Supreme Court has unanimously rejected the Justice Department's efforts to expand federal power nine times since January 2012.
There is no example of lawlessness more egregious than the enforcement—or nonenforcement—of the president's signature policy, the Affordable Care Act. Mr. Obama has repeatedly declared that "it's the law of the land." Yet he has repeatedly violated ObamaCare's statutory text.
The law says that businesses with 50 or more full-time employees will face the employer mandate on Jan. 1, 2014. President Obama changed that, granting a one-year waiver to employers. How did he do so? Not by going to Congress to change the text of the law, but through a blog post by an assistant secretary at Treasury announcing the change.
The law says that only Americans who have access to state-run exchanges will be subject to employer penalties and may obtain ObamaCare premium subsidies. This was done to entice the states to create exchanges. But, when 34 states decided not to establish state-run exchanges, the Obama administration announced that the statutory words "established by State" would also mean "established by the federal government."
The law says that members of Congress and their staffs' health coverage must be anObamaCare exchange plan, which would prevent them from receiving their current federal-employee health subsidies, just like millions of Americans who can't receive such benefits. At the behest of Senate Democrats, the Obama administration instead granted a special exemption (deeming "individual" plans to be "group" plans) to members of Congress and their staffs so they could keep their pre-existing health subsidies.
Most strikingly, when over five million Americans found their health insurance plans canceled because ObamaCare made their plans illegal—despite the president's promise "if you like your plan, you can keep it"—President Obama simply held a news conference where he told private insurance companies to disobey the law and issue plans that ObamaCare regulated out of existence.
In other words, rather than go to Congress and try to provide relief to the millions who are hurting because of the "train wreck" of ObamaCare (as one Senate Democrat put it), the president instructed private companies to violate the law and said he would in effect give them a get-out-of-jail-free card—for one year, and one year only. Moreover, in a move reminiscent of Lewis Carroll's looking-glass world, President Obama simultaneously issued a veto threat if Congress passed legislation doing what he was then ordering.
In the more than two centuries of our nation's history, there is simply no precedent for the White House wantonly ignoring federal law and asking private companies to do the same. As my colleague Democratic Sen. Tom Harkin of Iowa asked, "This was the law. How can they change the law?"
Similarly, 11 state attorneys general recently wrote a letter to Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius saying that the continuing changes to ObamaCare are "flatly illegal under federal constitutional and statutory law." The attorneys general correctly observed that "the only way to fix this problem-ridden law is to enact changes lawfully: through Congressional action."
In the past, when Republican presidents abused their power, many Republicans—and the press—rightly called them to account. Today many in Congress—and the press—have chosen to give President Obama a pass on his pattern of lawlessness, perhaps letting partisan loyalty to the man supersede their fidelity to the law.
But this should not be a partisan issue. In time, the country will have another president from another party. For all those who are silent now: What would they think of a Republican president who announced that he was going to ignore the law, or unilaterally change the law? Imagine a future president setting aside environmental laws, or tax laws, or labor laws, or tort laws with which he or she disagreed.
That would be wrong—and it is the Obama precedent that is opening the door for future lawlessness. As Montesquieu knew, an imperial presidency threatens the liberty of every citizen. Because when a president can pick and choose which laws to follow and which to ignore, he is no longer a president.

28 January, 2014

State of the Union Thoughts

 “He shall from time to time give to Congress information of the State of the Union and recommend to their Consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.”
— Article II, Section 3 of the U.S. Constitution

No declaration regarding the state of our union - possibly because he can't say it is strong.

"The notion that if you work hard and take responsibility, you can get ahead in America" - Nice to hear the President talk about responsibility and hard work.  It seems we often focus on government as the primary mechanism for personal improvement.

"America does not stand still and neither will I - so wherever and whenever I can take steps without legislation to expand opportunity for more American families; that's what I'm going to do." - What a strange statement from the person who is entrusted with implementing legislation, not sidestepping it.  From a Constitutional perspective, this remark should be very concerning. 

"We can take the money we save [...] and use it to create jobs rebuilding our roads, upgrading our ports, and unclogging our commutes" - Shouldn't the government already be doing this?  It seems this is an essential and appropriate function of government that should be prioritized over other discretionary spending.  

These zones with reduced regulations are an interesting proposal - if these are good ideas, why not have these reduced regulations everywhere?  How can we recognize that reducing regulation spurs growth but then deny that it should be one more broadly and that it should be restricted to certain zones?

How ironic it is that the President touts the promise of natural gas when his party for years attempted to block natural gas exploration via fracking due to unfounded environmental concerns (note the connection between increase regulation and reduced growth).

"Invest more in fuels of the future" - the government does not need to be picking winners and losers in the energy industry.  They should abolish tax incentives for big oil and incentives for "sustainable" energy.  The free market will find the most efficient equilibrium regarding energy. 

"The debate is settled - climate change is a fact" - so what?  The question isn't whether or not the climate is changing (although interestingly it hasn't in the last 15 years).  The questions are 1) are we responsible for the change 2) can we do anything about it and 3) how much are we willing to spend and harm our economy to impact the environment?

Immigration reform - by this he means ignoring the law and forgiving illegal behavior

Regarding the story of the woman who lost her unemployment benefits - "I'm not dependent on the government" - and yet she's writing to complain about losing her government benefits.  Also, what is the President's proposal regarding the limit of unemployment benefits?  It seems he would extend them indefinitely.  And if unemployment benefits spur the economy, why not give everyone money - wouldn't that spur the economy even more?  We don't do that because it doesn't work as a stimulative mechanism because the money going into the economy also comes out of the economy in the form of taxes...

"Woman still make $.77 for every dollar a man makes; that is wrong, and in 2014 it is an embarrassment" - Really?  A few questions 1) is this taken in aggregate (which is skewed by the industries women and men tend to self-select) or are we talking about apples-to-apples within the same job? 2) Are the women working the same number of hours as the men in these apples-to-apples jobs? 3) Is the experience level equal for the men and women in these apples-to-apples jobs?  If these factors are not accounted for, this is basically a lie, or at the very least a useless fact.  It would be like complaining that a janitor and lawyer have dissimilar incomes.

The President's story about the pizza parlor owner giving a raise to his employees - if it was in the owner's interest to raise his employees' wages (because his employees work harder), why are mandatory regulations needed?  A regulation is only needed if it is NOT in their business interest and they must be forced by law to comply with what the central planners believe is best.

"Give America a raise" - the President is always very generous with other people's money.

"Send me legislation that protects taxpayers from footing the bill for a housing crisis every again." - Not sure exactly what this means, but if it means "too big to fail" is going to be reconsidered, I'm all for it.


Regarding the President's comments about the ACA - his basic point is insurance prices are now totally disconnected from insurance costs - this is not sustainable in the long-run unless those who should be covered cheaply pay more to cover those who aren't paying their fair share.

Hmm - hard work and responsibility mentioned a second time.  Now it's starting to sound like a throw-away line, especially since it isn't really reflected in any of the policies being proposed.

"We will complete our mission there [Afghanistan]" - what, exactly, is our mission there right now?  It isn't exactly clear.  Generally our goal in a war is to win.  I haven't heard anything about winning in a long time...

"Close the prison at Guantanamo Bay" - Any move those dangerous individuals where, exactly?

 Iran - the President claims Iran is rolling back parts of its program.  Strange, the Iranian president didn't seem to get the memo.


Love the featuring of the Army Ranger injured by the roadside bomb.  A great moment in the speech and wonderful to see our military men and women honored.

What wasn't heard today (because the President apparently doesn't have anything to say about these topics):
1) Anything about Syria (beyond a vague promise to support some elements in the country) - remember when Assad had to go and that he would pay for his use of chemical weapons?  By "paying", apparently he means forcing Assad to promise not to do it again.

2) Anything about bringing the perpetrators of the Benghazi attack to justice
3) Anything of substance about NSA snooping or the snooping on our allies

4) Anything about trade agreements that would bring jobs to the US

New Spending Proposed by the President:
1) "Investment" in fuels of the future
2) Spending on Infrastructure
3) Increased spending on pre-K education
4) Extending unemployment benefits
5) Increased spending on student loans
6) Increasing the minimum wage for Federal Employees
7) Increased tax spending through the Earned Income Tax Credit
8) Medicaid spending via the ACA
9) Subsidies for companies that create domestic manufacturing jobs
10) Tax spending via MY-RA (some marketing work needed on that program name)

Spending Reductions Proposed by the President
1) Reducing oil subsidies
2) Yeah, that first one was pretty much it.

And that's why the national debt is through the roof.

The Inequality Bogeyman

The Inequality Bogeyman

By Thomas Sowell - January 28, 2014
During a recent lunch in a restaurant, someone complimented my wife on the perfume she was wearing. But I was wholly unaware that she was wearing perfume, even though we had been in a car together for about half an hour, driving to the restaurant.
My sense of smell is very poor. But there is one thing I can smell far better than most people -- gas escaping. During my years of living on the Stanford University campus, and walking back and forth to work at my office, I more than once passed a faculty house and smelled gas escaping. When there was nobody home, I would leave a note, warning them.
When walking past the same house again a few days later, I could see where the utility company had been digging in the yard -- and, after that, there was no more smell of gas escapting.  But apprently the people who lived in these homes had not smelled anything.
These little episodes have much wider implications. Most of us are much better at some things than at others, and what we are good at can vary enormously from one person to another. Despite the preoccupation -- if not obsession -- of intellectuals with equality, we are all very unequal in what we do well and what we do badly.
It may not be innate, like a sense of smell, but differences in capabilities are inescapable, and they make a big difference in what and how much we can contribute to each other's economic and other well-being. If we all had the same capabilities and the same limitations, one individual's limitations would be the same as the limitations of the entire human species.
We are lucky that we are so different, so that the capabilities of many other people can cover our limitations.
One of the problems with so many discussions of income and wealth is that the intelligentsia are so obsessed with the money that people receive that they give little or no attention to what causes money to be paid to them, in the first place.
The money itself is not wealth. Otherwise the government could make us all rich just by printing more of it. From the standpoint of a society as a whole, money is just an artificial device to give us incentives to produce real things -- goods and services.
Those goods and services are the real "wealth of nations," as Adam Smith titled his treatise on economics in the 18th century.
Yet when the intelligentsia discuss such things as the historic fortunes of people like John D. Rockefeller, they usually pay little -- if any -- attention to what it was that caused so many millions of people to voluntarily turn their individually modest sums of money over to Rockefeller, adding up to his vast fortune.
What Rockefeller did first to earn their money was find ways to bring down the cost of producing and distributing kerosene to a fraction of what it had been before his innovations. This profoundly changed the lives of millions of working people.
Before Rockefeller came along in the 19th century, the ancient saying, "The night cometh when no man can work" still applied. There were not yet electric lights, and burning kerosene for hours every night was not something that ordinary working people could afford. For many millions of people, there was little to do after dark, except go to bed.
Too many discussions of large fortunes attribute them to "greed" -- as if wanting a lot of money is enough to cause other people to hand it over to you. It is a childish idea, when you stop and think about it -- but who stops and thinks these days?
The transfer of money was a zero-sum process. What increased the wealth of society was Rockefeller's cheap kerosene that added hundreds of hours of light to people's lives annually.
Edison, Ford, the Wright brothers, and innumerable others also created unprecedented expansions of the lives of ordinary people. The individual fortunes represented a fraction of the wealth created.
Even those of us who create goods and services in more mundane ways receive income that may be very important to us, but it is what we create for others, with our widely varying capabilities, that is the real wealth of nations.
Intellectuals' obsession with income statistics -- calling envy "social justice" -- ignores vast differences in productivity that are far more fundamental to everyone's well-being. Killing the goose that lays the golden egg has ruined many economies.

27 January, 2014

Judicial activism isn’t a bad thing

Some argue that "activist judges" is a relative term (i.e. activism is in the eye of the beholder).  But there is a big difference between courts enacting law without legislative authority and a more proper role of ensuring that government over-reach doesn't encroach on individual freedom. 


Judicial activism isn’t a bad thing


Disabusing the Republican Party of a cherished dogma, thereby requiring it to forgo a favorite rhetorical trope, will not win Clark M. Neily III the gratitude of conservatives who relish denouncing “judicial activism.” However, he and his colleagues at the libertarianInstitute for Justice believe the United States would be more just if judges were less deferential to legislatures.
In his book “Terms of Engagement: How Our Courts Should Enforce the Constitution’s Promise of Limited Government,” Neily writes that the United States is not “a fundamentally majoritarian nation in which the ability to impose one’s will on others through law is a sacred right that courts should take great pains not to impede.” America’s defining value is not majority rule but individual liberty.
Many judges, however, in practicing what conservatives have unwisely celebrated as “judicial restraint,” have subordinated liberty to majority rule. Today, a perverse conservative populism panders to two dubious notions — that majorities should enjoy a largely untrammeled right to make rules for everyone, and that most things legislatures do reflect the will of a majority.
Conservatives’ advocacy of judicial restraint serves liberalism by leaving government’s growth unrestrained. This leaves people such as Sandy Meadows at the mercy of government acting as protector of the strong.
Meadows was a Baton Rouge widow who had little education and no resources but was skillful at creating flower arrangements, which a grocery store hired her to do. Then Louisiana’s Horticulture Commission pounced.
It threatened to close the store as punishment for hiring an unlicensed flower arranger. Meadows failed to get a license, which required a written test and the making of four flower arrangements in four hours, arrangements judged by licensed florists functioning as gatekeepers to their own profession, restricting the entry of competitors. Meadows, denied reentry into the profession from which the government had expelled her, died in poverty, but Louisianans were protected by their government from the menace of unlicensed flower arrangers.
What Louisiana does, and all states do in conferring favors through regulations that violate individuals’ rights, is obviously unjust and would be declared unconstitutional if courts would do their duty. Their duty is to protect individual liberty, including the right to earn a living, against special-interest legislation. Instead, since judicial abdication became normal during the New Deal, courts almost invariably defer to legislatures’ economic regulations, which frequently are rent-seeking by private factions.
Courts justify dereliction of judicial duty as genuflection at the altar of majority rule, as long as the court can discern, or even imagine, a “rational basis” for a regulation — even if the legislature never articulated it. Never mind the absurdity of the fiction that a majority of Louisianans know about, let alone care about, licensing flower arrangers.
Conservatives clamoring for judicial restraint, meaning deference to legislatures, are waving a banner unfurled a century ago by progressives eager to emancipate government, freeing it to pursue whatever collective endeavors it fancies, sacrificing individual rights to a spurious majoritarian ethic.
The beginning of wisdom is recognizing the implications of this fact: Government is almost never disinterested. Today’s administrative state is a congeries of interests, each of which has a metabolic urge to enlarge its dominion and that of the private-sector faction with which it collaborates. As Neily says, “Much of modern constitutional law depends on denying — or at least ignoring — the realities of the political process.” Judge Janice Rogers Brown of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit says of “rational basis” jurisprudence: “The judiciary justifies its reluctance to intervene by claiming incompetence — apparently, judges lack the acumen to recognize corruption, self-interest, or arbitrariness in the economic realm — or deferring to the majoritarian imperative,” which means “the absence of any check on the group interests that all too often control the democratic process.”
This process, Neily rightly insists, is not self-legitimizing, which is why judicial passivity is inconsistent with constitutional government. Between 1954 and 2002, the Supreme Court invalidated 103 of the 15,817 laws that Congress passed — 0.65 percent. It struck down about 0.5 percent of federal regulations and less than 0.05 percent of state laws. Neily says, “In light of history, experience, and common sense, it is implausible to suppose the federal government hits the constitutional strike zone 99.5 percent of the time.”
Neily argues that to say that judicial invalidations of legislative acts should be rare is no more sensible than saying NFL referees should rarely penalize players for holding. Conservatism’s task, politically hazardous but constitutionally essential, is to urge courts to throw as many flags as there are infractions

24 January, 2014

Obamacare Strikes Again

I suppose this is all the evil corporation's fault, right?  Democrats will blame the capitalist company despite creating regulations that are in essence telling the corporation to discontinue healthcare coverage.  This is only the beginning - more companies are going to follow suit. 

Target to drop health insurance coverage for part-time workers

Target
Target announced Tuesday that it would end healthcare coverage for its part-time workers. Above, customers check out at a Target store in Chicago in November. (Patrick T. Fallon/Bloomberg /November 28, 2013)

Target Corp. announced Tuesday that it would end healthcare coverage for its part-time workers, citing options available to them in state and federal healthcare marketplaces.
In a corporate blog post, the Minneapolis company said that the majority of its part-time workforce does not enroll in healthcare coverage currently offered by the retailer. Target said that less than 10% of its total workforce, about 360,000, participates in the healthcare plans offered to part-time employees.
Healthcare law changes, said Target's executive vice president of human resources, Jodee Kozlak, have made more options available.  
President Obama's new healthcare law requires large companies to offer coverage to employees working 30 hours a week or more or pay a penalty. Many employers have been preparing for the the higher costs. Some companies, such as United Parcel Service Inc., have said they would end coverage for employees' spouses if they had access to health insurance through their own employers. 
"In fact, by offering them insurance, we could actually disqualify many of them from being eligible for newly available subsidies that could reduce their overall health insurance expense," Kozlak said.
Under the healthcare law, some individuals would be eligible for subsidies based on their income to help offset the costs of enrolling for coverage.  
The changes will be effective starting April 1.
Part-time workers -- those who work between 20 and 31 hours a week -- who will be bumped off the Target healthcare plan are eligible for a cash payment of $500 to help in the transition, the company said. Additionally, Target has hired a firm that will help those workers select plans in state and federal healthcare marketplaces.
Kozlak said Target had no plans to cut workers' hours.
Shares for Target were down 29 cents, or .49%, Wednesday to $58.91.

http://www.latimes.com/business/money/la-fi-mo-target-health-coverage-part-time-workers-20140122,0,889575.story#ixzz2rLLPfjyT

22 January, 2014

Chill Out

Chill Out

By John Stossel - January 22, 2014
The Hill, the newspaper that covers Congress, says this year, there will be a major policy battle over "climate change." Why?
We already waste billions on pointless gestures that make people think we're addressing global warming, but the earth doesn't notice or care.
What exactly is "global warming" anyway?  That's really four questions:
1. Is the globe warming? Probably. Global temperatures have risen (but not in the last 15 years). Climate changes. Always has. Always will.  In the 1970s, scientists were warning about global cooling
2. Is the warming caused by man? Maybe. There's decent evidence that at least some of it is.
3. But is global warming a crisis? Far from it. It's possible that it will become a crisis.
Some computer models suggest big problems, but the models aren't very accurate. Some turned out to be utterly wrong. Clueless scaremongers like Sen. Barbara Boxer, D-Cal., seize on weather disasters to blame man's carbon output. After Oklahoma's tragic tornadoes last year, Boxer stood on the floor of the Senate and shrieked, "Carbon could cost us the planet!" But there were actually fewer tornadoes last summer.
4. If the globe is warming, can America do anything about it? No. What we do now is pointless. I feel righteous riding my bike to work. That's just shallow. Even if all Americans replaced cars with bicycles, switched to fluorescent light bulbs, got solar water heaters, etc., it would have no discernible effect on the climate. China builds a new coal-fueled power plant almost every week; each one obliterates any carbon reduction from all our windmills and solar panels.
Weirdly, the only thing that's reduced America's carbon output has been our increased use of natural gas (it releases less greenhouse gas than oil and coal). But many environmentalists fight the fracking that produces it.
Someday, we'll probably invent technology that could reduce man's greenhouse gas creation, but we're nowhere close to it now. Rather than punish poor people with higher taxes on carbon and award ludicrous subsidies to Al Gore's "green" investments, we should wait for the science to advance.
If serious warming happens, we can adjust, as we've adjusted to big changes throughout history. It will be easier to adjust if America is not broke after wasting our resources on trendy gimmicks like windmills.
Environmental activists say that if we don't love their regulations, we "don't care about the earth." Bunk. We can love nature and still hate the tyranny of bureaucrats' rules.
We do need some rules. It's good that government built sewage treatment plants. Today, the rivers around Manhattan are so clean that I swim in them. It's good that we forced industry to stop polluting the air. Scrubbers in smokestacks and catalytic converters on cars made our lives better. The air gets cleaner every time someone replaces an old car with a new one.
But those were measures against real pollution -- soot, particulates, sulfur, etc. What global warming hysterics want to fight is merely carbon dioxide. That's what plants breathe. CO2 may prove to be a problem, but we don't know that now.
The world has real problems, though: malaria, malnutrition, desperate poverty. Our own country, while relatively rich, is deep in debt. Obsessing about greenhouse gases makes it harder to address these more serious problems.
Environmentalists assume that as people get richer and use more energy, they pollute more. The opposite is true. As nations industrialize, they pay more attention to pollution. Around the world, it's the most prosperous nations that now have the cleanest air and water.
Industrialization allows people to use fewer resources. Instead of burning trees for power, we make electricity from natural gas. We figure out how to get more food from smaller pieces of land.
And one day we'll probably even invent energy sources more efficient than oil and gas. We'll use them because they're cost-effective, not because government forces us to.
So let's chill out about global warming. We don't need more micromanagement from government. We need less.
Then free people -- and rapidly increasing prosperity -- will create a better world. 

21 January, 2014

Inconvenient Facts

The pay disparity facts are most important aspects of this article - the rest is basically just mud-throwing...


Fact-Free Liberals

By Thomas Sowell - January 21, 2014
Someone summarized Barack Obama in three words -- "educated," "smart" and "ignorant." Unfortunately, those same three words would describe all too many of the people who come out of our most prestigious colleges and universities today.
President Obama seems completely unaware of how many of the policies he is trying to impose have been tried before, in many times and places around the world, and have failed time and again. Economic equality?
That was tried in the 19th century, in communities set up by Robert Owen, the man who coined the term "socialism".  Those communities all collapsed.
It was tried even earlier, in 18th century Georgia, when that was a British colony. People in Georgia ended up fleeing to other colonies, as many other people would vote with their feet in the 20th century, by fleeing many other societies around the world that were established in the name of economic equality.
But who reads history these days? Moreover, those parts of history that would undermine the vision of the left -- which prevails in our education system from elementary school to postgraduate study -- are not likely to get much attention.
The net results are bright people, with impressive degrees, who have been told for years how brilliant they are, but who are often ignorant of facts that might cause them to question what they have been indoctrinated with in schools and colleges.
Recently Kirsten Powers repeated on Fox News Channel the discredited claim that women are paid only about three-quarters of what a man is paid for doing the same work.
But there have been empirical studies, going back for decades, showing that there is no such gap when the women and men are in the same occupation, with the same skills, experience, education, hours of work and continuous years of full-time work.
Income differences between the sexes reflect the fact that women and men differ in all these things -- and more. Young male doctors earn much more than young female doctors. But young male doctors work over 500 hours a year more than young female doctors.
Then there is the current hysteria which claims that people in the famous "top one percent" have incomes that are rising sharply and absorbing a wholly disproportionate share of all the income in the country.
But check out a Treasury Department study titled "Income Mobility in the U.S. from 1996 to 2005." It uses income tax data, showing that people who were in the top one percent in 1996 had their incomes fall -- repeat, fall -- by 26 percent by 2005.
What about the other studies that seem to say the opposite? Those are studies of income brackets, not studies of the flesh-and-blood human beings who are moving from one bracket to another over time. More than half the people who were in the top one percent in 1996 were no longer there in 2005.
This is hardly surprising when you consider that their incomes were going down while there was widespread hysteria over the belief that their incomes were going up.
Empirical studies that follow income brackets over time repeatedly reach opposite conclusions from studies that follow individuals. But people in the media, in politics and even in academia, cite statistics about income brackets as if they are discussing what happens to actual human beings over time.
All too often when liberals cite statistics, they forget the statisticians' warning that correlation is not causation.
For example the New York Times crusaded for government-provided prenatal care, citing the fact that black mothers had prenatal care less often than white mothers -- and that there were higher rates of infant mortality among blacks.
But was correlation causation? American women of Chinese, Japanese and Filipino ancestry also had less prenatal care than whites -- and lower rates of infant mortality than either blacks or whites.
When statistics showed that black applicants for conventional mortgage loans were turned down at twice the rate for white applicants, the media went ballistic crying racial discrimination. But whites were turned down almost twice as often as Asian Americans -- and no one thinks that is racial discrimination.
Facts are not liberals' strong suit. Rhetoric is. 

Read more: http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2014/01/21/fact-free_liberals_121302.html#ixzz2r2rHvjxE 

What If Fetuses Do Feel Pain?

What If Fetuses Do Feel Pain?

Fetal Pain, Maternal Health, And The Supreme Court

The Supreme Court has in recent years taken great pains to require that execution of criminals who have committed the most heinous of crimes be done as painlessly as possible.  In almost every State that continues to utilize the death penalty as the ultimate punishment, a dose of sodium pentathol is administered first, rendering the convict unconscious so that the actual death-inducing drugs in the common three-drug cocktail do not cause any pain.
No such drugs are administered to an unborn child before a late-term abortion, yet new scientific evidence is pointing to the very real possibility that a fetus feels pain perhaps as early as 16 or 18 weeks gestational age.  One need only read the Supreme Court’s own descriptions of the common “skull-crushing” and “limb-ripping” procedures used beyond the first trimester to realize how horrific the pain must be, if this new scientific evidence proves true.
Other scientific evidence is demonstrating that the risk to maternal health increases exponentially with each passing week later in the pregnancy.
Confronted with this evidence, thirteen states have since 2010 passed laws restricting abortions after 20 weeks to those necessary to prevent death or serious health risks to the mother.  Although abortion advocates have claimed that these laws are “blatantly unconstitutional” because they apply to pre-viability abortions, they have deliberately not challenged the laws in federal circuit court jurisdictions thought likely to uphold the laws.  Nebraska’s first-of-the-kind statute adopted in 2010 remains in effect, for example.  Texas’s statute, adopted over the much ballyhooed filibuster by State Senator Wendy Davis in 2013, likewise remains in effect (the lawsuit brought against that law did not challenge the 20-week restriction).  As one news account noted with respect to the Texas litigation, there was “a strategic reason to avoid challenging that [20-week] ban…. [A] Texas challenge would go to the conservative Fifth Circuit. Not only would that court potentially uphold the law … , the combination of decisions would create a split in the circuits that would make the Supreme Court likelier to hear it.”
But abortion advocates did challenge the 20-week restriction adopted by Arizona.  Arizona is in the Ninth Circuit, which leans decidedly the other direction from the Fifth and Eighth Circuits.  Although the federal trial court upheld the Arizona statute based on the undisputed evidence of fetal pain and increased maternal health risk, the Ninth Circuit reversed, holding that the statute was per se unconstitutional because it restricted abortion prior to fetal viability.  The Supreme Court itself had in 2007 upheld a partial birth abortion ban that admittedly restricted some pre-viability abortions, but the Ninth Circuit held that the viability line nevertheless remained sacrosanct.  Arizona petitioned the Supreme Court for review, but its petition was denied on Monday of this week.
Why are these cases important, and why will the Supreme Court eventually have to confront the issues presented by them?  Well, the evidence that the risk to the health of the mother increases exponentially with every passing week for abortions late in the pregnancy should give pause to any but the most doctrinaire advocates of abortion on demand.  And the evidence that an unborn child in utero feels pain really gives lie to the claim, oft-repeated since Roe v. Wade was decided 41 years ago, that there is no child there, only tissue or a clump of cells.  The science is forcing our society to grapple with the fundamental immorality of abortion on demand that was unleashed by Roe and its companion case, Doe v. Bolton.
Today, the United States is one of only four nations in the world that allows for abortion on demand at any time during pregnancy.  We’re in the company of those great paragons of moral virtue and human rights, North Korea and China.  But the States continue to press the issue because they recognize what the Supreme Court inRoe seems to have forgotten—government has a deep moral obligation to protect the most vulnerable among us.  One of the judges on the Ninth Circuit panel suggested, tongue-in-cheek, that perhaps the states should require that anesthetics be administered to an unborn child in the womb before an abortion can be performed on it.  Such a rule would at least allow the unborn child to escape the pain that the gruesome techniques of late-term abortion would otherwise inflict on him or her.  But it cannot anesthetize the rest of us to the gruesome tragedy of late-term abortion, at least not as long as there is any measure of human decency left among us.
Dr. John C. Eastman, the Henry Salvatori Professor of Law and Community Service at Chapman University’s Dale E. Fowler School of Law, is the founding director of the Claremont Institute’s Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence, in which capacity he served as lead counsel for Arizona in Horne v. Isaacson.